First, thank you for such a considerate response. I’ve had several interactions on this platform where sincere engagement was met with condescension or attacks, so I truly appreciate the tone you’ve set here. I’d like to offer a different perspective on a few of your points. This isn’t a hit on your analysis. It’s more of a call to look at the structures we are both fighting.
I think we have to look past just surviving. Communism isn’t just about making sure everyone has enough to eat. It’s about human emancipation and flourishing. If a woman is financially safe because of a UBI but is still socially expected to serve others, she isn’t emancipated. She’s just a well-fed subordinate. We aren’t just fighting for a higher floor. We are fighting to tear down every structure that lets one person rule another in our everyday lives.
Regarding the “lag,” I think we have to look at why things linger. Culture can become a self-sustaining engine. The superstructure of a dying base is often sublated into the new social form, where old structures are repurposed to serve the new base. Even the forms that aren’t strictly “needed” become integrated into a superstructure that has its own internal logic. These logics can then reach back down and influence the base. As long as these habits retain their “common sense” status, they will be difficult to remove. The superstructure essentially reshapes the base to make its own removal even harder.
Take the feudal idea that a man’s home is his castle. That identity has survived the total destruction of the feudal system that birthed it. In a capitalist society, it no longer serves its original purpose as a place to hold court or hear the grievances of vassals. Instead, it has mutated to focus only on the “dominionship” aspect, which reinforces the logic of private property. It’s hard to predict exactly how superstructural forms like patriarchy will persist in influencing a new base to justify their existence, but history shows they are experts at reinventing themselves. This is why I think we must explicitly address these issues.
Another thing that stuck out to me was the idea of merit in a worker-run business. Even without a boss, merit isn’t a neutral bar. If we don’t actively fix the burden of housework and childcare, the person who can stay late or work more will always have more merit than the person holding the home together. If our revolution doesn’t reach the kitchen, a worker-run democracy just ends up rewarding people who have a second shift being done for them for free.
Just as surviving wasn’t sufficient in the long run, so too we must move beyond meritocracy. Perhaps in lower socialism we can still have, “From each according to his ability, to each according to his work.” But in high socialism, we must move to “From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs!” Even though the capital class has been abolished, their modes of measure value and worth persist in low socialism. As such, so too will some superstructural forms by the mechanism I mentioned above.
Lastly, I don’t think naming these struggles is identity politics that pushes people away. It’s actually an invitation to real solidarity. When we tell a white male worker that the system relies on exploiting his wife’s labor at home to keep him squeezed at work, we aren’t attacking him. We are showing him how the system uses his own private life to keep him down. True solidarity isn’t about staying quiet to keep the peace. It’s about naming the rot so we can actually stand together.
First, thank you for such a considerate response. I’ve had several interactions on this platform where sincere engagement was met with condescension or attacks, so I truly appreciate the tone you’ve set here. I’d like to offer a different perspective on a few of your points. This isn’t a hit on your analysis. It’s more of a call to look at the structures we are both fighting.
I think we have to look past just surviving. Communism isn’t just about making sure everyone has enough to eat. It’s about human emancipation and flourishing. If a woman is financially safe because of a UBI but is still socially expected to serve others, she isn’t emancipated. She’s just a well-fed subordinate. We aren’t just fighting for a higher floor. We are fighting to tear down every structure that lets one person rule another in our everyday lives.
Regarding the “lag,” I think we have to look at why things linger. Culture can become a self-sustaining engine. The superstructure of a dying base is often sublated into the new social form, where old structures are repurposed to serve the new base. Even the forms that aren’t strictly “needed” become integrated into a superstructure that has its own internal logic. These logics can then reach back down and influence the base. As long as these habits retain their “common sense” status, they will be difficult to remove. The superstructure essentially reshapes the base to make its own removal even harder.
Take the feudal idea that a man’s home is his castle. That identity has survived the total destruction of the feudal system that birthed it. In a capitalist society, it no longer serves its original purpose as a place to hold court or hear the grievances of vassals. Instead, it has mutated to focus only on the “dominionship” aspect, which reinforces the logic of private property. It’s hard to predict exactly how superstructural forms like patriarchy will persist in influencing a new base to justify their existence, but history shows they are experts at reinventing themselves. This is why I think we must explicitly address these issues.
Another thing that stuck out to me was the idea of merit in a worker-run business. Even without a boss, merit isn’t a neutral bar. If we don’t actively fix the burden of housework and childcare, the person who can stay late or work more will always have more merit than the person holding the home together. If our revolution doesn’t reach the kitchen, a worker-run democracy just ends up rewarding people who have a second shift being done for them for free.
Just as surviving wasn’t sufficient in the long run, so too we must move beyond meritocracy. Perhaps in lower socialism we can still have, “From each according to his ability, to each according to his work.” But in high socialism, we must move to “From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs!” Even though the capital class has been abolished, their modes of measure value and worth persist in low socialism. As such, so too will some superstructural forms by the mechanism I mentioned above.
Lastly, I don’t think naming these struggles is identity politics that pushes people away. It’s actually an invitation to real solidarity. When we tell a white male worker that the system relies on exploiting his wife’s labor at home to keep him squeezed at work, we aren’t attacking him. We are showing him how the system uses his own private life to keep him down. True solidarity isn’t about staying quiet to keep the peace. It’s about naming the rot so we can actually stand together.